Tuesday, August 6, 2019
Reflective Journal Essay Example for Free
Reflective Journal Essay A reflective journal is a way of thinking in a critical and analytical way about your work in progress. It shows how different aspects of your work interconnect. The journal can record: â⬠¢ where your inspiration comes from â⬠¢ how you make use of your ideas to develop your work â⬠¢ your awareness of the cultural context (setting) in which you work This context includes: other artistsââ¬â¢ work and their ideas; the ideas of critics and theorists; social, political, aesthetic and ideological contexts. The journal could include: â⬠¢ research notes â⬠¢ personal comments on your own work â⬠¢ notes/images from gallery visits â⬠¢ quotes â⬠¢ extracts from lectures, tutorials, books, journals â⬠¢ photos/sketches Critical and analytical writing Critical writing involves many of the same processes as when reading. So what is Critical reading? To read critically is to make judgements about how a text is written and argued. This is a highly reflective skill requiring you to ââ¬Ëstand backââ¬â¢ from the text you are reading. You might have to read a text through once to get a basic grasp of content before you launch into an intensive critical reading. These are the keys: â⬠¢ donââ¬â¢t read only for information (surface approach) â⬠¢ do read for clues about views and opinions (deep approach) This means: â⬠¢ comparing the same issue from different points of view â⬠¢ identifying an argument (analysis of ideas/opinions) in the text â⬠¢ identifying conclusions and spotting how different people arrive at different conclusions â⬠¢ deciding what you think, based on the evidence available Then, in your own writing: â⬠¢ look at the subject from different viewpoints â⬠¢ show a clear line of reasoning â⬠¢ present evidence to support your reasoning â⬠¢ be clea r what your conclusions are Here are some ways to help you read critically: â⬠¢ read beginning and end of text to get an overview â⬠¢ colour code different viewpoints â⬠¢ underline key words, phrases, or sentences â⬠¢ write comments in the margins (use stickers if itââ¬â¢s not your book) â⬠¢ bracket important sections of the text â⬠¢ show links with lines or arrows â⬠¢ number related points in sequence Reflective Writing What is reflective writing? Reflective writing is evidence of looking back at an event, idea, object, experience, process, etc It involves: â⬠¢ analysing and commenting on the object, process, etc from different points of view using contemporary ideas and theories â⬠¢ exploring and explaining the importance or relevance of the object, process, etc â⬠¢ considering things that went wrong as well as successes â⬠¢ saying what the object, process, etc means to you â⬠¢ saying how your learning will influence the way you work How to structure reflective writing 1 2 Description (donââ¬â¢t make this too long) What is it? What happened? Why am I talking about it? Interpretation What is important, relevant, interesting, useful? How is it similar to or different from others? How can it be explored, explained using contemporary theories? Outcome What have I learned from this? How will it influence my future work?
Monday, August 5, 2019
Internship Report at National Bank of Malaysia (BNM)
Internship Report at National Bank of Malaysia (BNM) Introduction My internship was performed in the Republic of Macedonia, more exactly, at its National Bank. This institution is the one that deals with the macroeconomic policies applicable in the country. These policies allow a stable and long term economic development of one country. I opted for Macedonia because it is the country of my origins, and also because I think one day I will be able to work for one of the Macedonians institutions. So this internship will help me find out how these kind of institutions really work, what is the aim of their work. Macedonia is in a transition process, that undoubtedly is always characterized by numerous difficulties, which are, in general, very similar to other countries living these same processes. The mail purpose of the government of Macedonia is the integration of the country in some international organizations such as NATO or the European Union. While its integration in NATO would secure the borders of the country, and a long term stability (as we know that some under ethnic conflicts had risen in 2001), the integration in the EU, which is far more complicated and demands a very high responsibility of the government, will boost the economic development of this small country with a little bit more than 2 million citizens. The importance of the National Bank, in terms of these integrations, is unavoidable. The Bank is responsible for the monetary policy and economy, for important indexes such as Inflation Rate, CPI (consumer price index), which indexes help to clarify the development of the country in a long term. The economic stability, and the territorial stability, are two very important things, in order that Macedonia could be part of the big European family, and become a potential country that will attract foreign investments at a much higher degree. I. Description of the institution About NBRM Organization chart Functions : the National Bank shall perform the following functions: establish and conduct the monetary policy; regulate the liquidity in the international payments; establish and conduct the Denar exchange rate policy; handle and manage the foreign exchange reserves; regulate the payment system; grant founding and operating license to a bank and a savings house and supervise the banks and savings houses; grant a license for performing services of prompt money transfer and supervise the operations of the entities performing services of prompt money transfer in accordance with a law; grant operating license to foreign exchange bureaus and supervise their operations in accordance with a law; issue banknotes and coins perform activities for the account of the central government and the government administration bodies. THE MONETARY POLICY: Monetary Policy-Design Designing of the monetary policy The National Bank of the Republic of Macedonia (NBRM) is a central bank, and accordingly, the only bank of issue in the Republic of Macedonia. Its primary objective is to maintain the price stability, thus being independent in the performance of its functions. The National Bank supports the economic policy of the country and the financial stability of the country, without jeopardizing the achievement of the main objective, and adhering to the principles of market economy. In line with the legally set functions, the NBRM designs and conducts the monetary policy at a level of the national economy. At the end of the current year, in line with the previously determined macroeconomic framework, the NBRM works out the Projection of the monetary developments for the following year, adopted by the NBRM Council. Monetary policy goals The maintenance of the price stability is a primary objective of the National Bank of the Republic of Macedonia, established by a Law. The establishment of this goal is in line with the current EU monetary policy layout, based on the empirically confirmed perceptions that the price stability creates most favorable macroeconomic environment for accelerated economic growth sustainable on a long run. Until 1999, the inflation in the Republic of Macedonia was measured through the retail prices index, while since 2000 it has been monitored by the costs of living index. In order to attain its ultimate goal, the NBRM determines an intermediary target of the monetary policy. Thus from April 1992 to September 1995, the NBRM was applying the strategy of targeting the money supply M1, as an intermediary goal of the monetary policy. Since October 1995, the NBRM has been implementing monetary strategy of targeting the nominal exchange rate of the Denar against the Deutsche Mark, i.e. against the Euro since January 2002. Accordingly, the maintenance of the Denar exchange rate stability is an intermediary goal of the monetary policy. The exchange rate targeting strategy is applied due to the following: a. the importance of the exchange rate in a small open economy (the Republic of Macedonia exchanges around 80% of the GDP with abroad); b. the need of nominal anchor for maintenance of financial discipline and credibility; c. high degree of currency substitution (over 40%) and d. exchange rate transparency and the possibility of daily monitoring by the economic agents. Money supply and money demand The money supply in the Republic of Macedonia is subordinated to the maintenance of the Denar exchange rate stability, as a nominal anchor in the economy. The amount of money supply is determined in line with the need of regular execution of goods and money transactions, i.e. the economic activity in the country. The money supply is monitored through the following monetary aggregates: M0 ââ¬â reserve money (currency in circulation, banks account with the NBRM and cash in the banks vaults), M1 (currency in circulation and transaction deposits), M2 (M1, Denar and foreign exchange deposits with a maturity of up to one year), M3 (M2 and restricted deposits) and M4 (M3 and Denar and foreign exchange deposits with maturity of over one year). The movement of these aggregates is monitored in line with the adopted projection. The money demand, by the definition, is determined by the income level, the price level and the short-term and the long-term interest rates. On the basis of the prev ious practical experience, the money demand in the Republic of Macedonia is relatively unstable, primarily due to the transitory and the external shocks, as well as the effect of the currency substitution. Interest rate policy and transmission mechanism With the monetary policy being directed towards preserving the Denar exchange rate stability, the interest rates and the money supply are endogenous variables, determined by the achievement of the intermediary goal. The NBRM, through its interest rate policy, sends monetary signals to the banks, thus making efforts to influence their lending and deposit interest rates. The lowest interest rate of the NBRM is the discount rate, whereas the highest is the interest rate on the Lombard credit. Currently, the referential interest rate in the economy is the interest rate registered on the CB bills auctions, with respect to its close relation with the interest rate on the Money Market. Due to the higher liquidity in the banking system, no need of organizing credit auctions has been registered over a certain period. However, the transmission canal of the monetary policy through the interest rates in the Republic of Macedonia is still insufficiently developed, considering the insufficiently d eveloped financial market, the rigid interest rate policy of the banks and their insufficient responsiveness to the monetary signals of the NBRM. DENAR EXCHANGE RATE POLICY Exchange rate policy According to the National Bank of Macedonia Law (Official Journal of Republic Macedonia nr. 3/2002 51/2003), the National Bank of Macedonia establishes and executes the denar exchange rate policy in order to achieve the main purpose ââ¬â the conservation of the price stability. Current foreign currency system According to article 33 from the currency policy law, the denar rate is determined by the simple rule of offer and demand for foreign currencies in the currency market. The denar rate in relation with the Euro is fixed by the reports from different banks that take part in the currency exchange market. As for the other foreign currency, the rate of the denar is determined by the relation between these currencies and the Euro rate, which is fixed by the European Central Bank. The buying and selling rate is calculated with the addition and deduction of 0.5%. In fact, this is the way how the National Bank of Macedonia exposes every day the approved currency rates on the Currency List. The execution of the currency policy According to the denar rate targeting strategy, as an important element, the goal and also hard task of the monetary policy is to keep stability between the denar and the Euro rates. If there are tendencies to the depreciation or appreciation of the denar, the National Bank interacts by selling or buying respectively, foreign currencies, after what the monetary strategy becomes respectively more restrictive or more expansive in relation to the projected targets. Relationship between the monetary and the currency policy There is a huge dependence between the monetary and the currency policy. It is important for the Macedonian economy to keep a stable exchange rate with the euro, in order to keep price stability in the country, which element will lead to a better life for all its citizens. In October 1995 the monetary targeting strategy was overturned, and a new strategy was embraced, called the targeted nominal denar rate strategy. With this new strategy, the rising of the money supply is transformed into an instrument that helps, directly, on the stability of the currency rate, and indirectly, on the price stability. Currency reserves When the Macedonian National Bank became independent, it had no currency reserves at all. It all began in 1992, when the National Bank began creating its own reserves. The amount of foreign currency reserves is rising permanently. While in 1992, there were around US $60 million, it became US $803 million in 2003, which represents the amount of four months of import. According to article 25 from the Law on the National Bank of Republic of Macedonia, the management of the National Reserve is in the hands of the National Bank itself. It has also to duty to prepare and consolidate reports every 6 months. On behalf of the management of the National Reserve, the National Bank, according to article 28, is loyal to the principles of awareness, liquidity and profitability. The exchangeability concept The Macedonian currency has a present exchangeability. In June 1998, Macedonia has accepted article nr. 8 of the International Monetary Funds Statute, which stated that all currents transactions between residents and non-residents can be completed freely, without restrictions. As part of this agreement between the National Bank of Macedonia and the IMF, was also the liberalization of capital transactions. The direct investments of residents abroad, and of non-residents in Macedonia, are now free, except of a taxation fee in order to register by the ministry of economy. Non-residents can now invest into any Macedonian company, to start their own companies, and to buy shares so that they can become shareholders of all enterprises listed on the Macedonian Stock Exchange (MSE 10). The profit and all the capital investments can be taken back to the non-residents place, if there are no more liabilities towards the government. Non-residents, on behalf of diplomats, and other embassy representatives, have the right to buy real estate, but under certain conditions of demand and registration at the Central Registry of Macedonia. Residents may distribute and sell native shares at foreign financial markets if he/she has the permission from the Commission of shares and financial instruments. Credit transactions are also liberalized, in and abroad the country, so that the funds can move loosely, but for that, the National Bank needs to be informed. Residents may use foreign currencies obtained from transactions made with a foreigner to clear any debt he has, or also use them in the currency market to exchange them into the national currency. In order to pay with a foreign currency abroad, a resident may ââ¬Å"buyâ⬠these currencies in exchange offices. Other residents, such as physical persons, can also exchange their money for other purposes, not only for business. As for the opening of an account abroad, residents need to be authorized by the National Bank itself. It is possible for any non-resident to open a denar or foreign currency account, and to use it whenever he/she wants to, with no objection. But there is a limitation on the amount of payments a month, this limit is 10.000 Euros. But, in case of disorder of the balance of payments or the financial system, the National Bank can prevent the circumstances to worsen by application of some restrictions. PAYEMENTS SYSTEMS IN MACEDONIA General Features of the Payment System The payment system represents a sum of instruments, procedures and infrastructure for money transfer. It is of great importance for all economic agents since it enables fast and efficient payments in the national economy. The payment system of the Republic of Macedonia can be presented schematically as: The central bank, which runs the accounts of the deposit money institutions ââ¬â the banks, is at the top of the payment system. In the payment system, the central bank has the following functions: operational, development and function of monitoring of the other payment systems in the country. The banks, which run the accounts of other legal entities and natural persons, consist the following level. Running of the accounts is decentralized ââ¬â which means, each bank runs only the accounts of its clients. In order to execute and perform prompt settlement of the large value payments and urgent interbank payments, the system of the central bank is used. For netting the small value payments, a specialized institution ââ¬â the Clearing House for small value payments is used, while the results of the netting are later settled in the system of the Central Bank. Start of the New Payment System On July 30, 2001, the functional implementation of one of the most complex reforms in the Republic of Macedonia, the Reform in the Payments System, commenced. This Reform is managed by a Steering Committee comprised of experts from the National Bank of the Republic of Macedonia, the Ministry of Finance, the banks, the Payment Operations Bureau and eminent professors from the Faculty of Economics in Skopje. This start represents a beginning of a new payment system designed according to the payment systems of the countries with developed market economies. The new payment system enhances the competitive component of the banks and represents a prerequisite for implementing new banking products which increase the efficiency of the banks and the banking system as a whole. The competitiveness induces new IT tendencies in the banking operations. The reform enables more efficient monitoring and management of the liquidity of individual banks, as well as better efficiency in conducting the monetary policy. The previous payment system (effective until December 31, 2001) incorporated strong static components and limitations both regarding the options, as well as technological limitations, which represented an obstacle for the future development of the financial infrastructure and the financial system as a whole. The implementation of the new payment system was encompassed a transitional period from July 30, 2001 until December 31, 2001, during which besides the implementation of the new systems, the Payment Operations Bureau continued with its operations as a specific payment system. The National Bank of the Republic of Macedonia has important functions in the new payment system, which are stipulated in the new Law on Payment Operation. BANKING SUPERVISION According to the Law on the National Bank of the Republic of Macedonia and the Banking Law, the National Bank of the Republic of Macedonia is the only supervisory authority responsible for licensing and supervision of banks and savings houses in the Republic of Macedonia. The main purpose of the supervisory function performed by the National Bank of the Republic of Macedonia is the maintenance of safe and sound banking system and protection of the depositors and other creditors that had invested their money in the banking system. The National Bank of the Republic of Macedonia has established supervisory standards that are incompliance with the international standards and practices set by the Basle Committee on Banking Supervision. Supervisory standards While performing their activities, banks are obliged to comply with the existing supervisory standards that are implemented for the purpose of limiting the banks risk exposure. The supervisory standards established and implemented by the National Bank are derived from the Basle Committees principles and the European Directives. The most important standards implemented by the National Bank are: capital adequacy, i.e. maintenance of an adequate capital base that will enable covering of the risk profile of banks. The capital adequacy ratio calculated as a ratio between the banks own funds and its risk weighted assets, must not be lower than 8%; criteria for classification of on-balance and off-balance sheet asset items of banks according to their risk level and determining adequate amount of impairments and special reserves for coverage of the banks potential and/or established losses; exposure limits as a ratio between the total on-balance and off-balance sheet exposure to a single persons and group of connected persons and the banks own funds; limits of exposure to the FX risk and the manner of managing this type of risk; limits on investments in land, buildings, equipment and equity holdings. ISSUE COINS AND BANKNOTES 1. Legal Tender in the Republic of Macedonia Legal tender in the Republic of Macedonia is the Macedonian Denar, consisting of 100 Deni. The National Bank of the Republic of Macedonia has the exclusive right of printing and issuing banknotes in the Republic of Macedonia. Macedonian banknotes in circulation (issue 1996 and 2003) : à · 5000 Denars issue 1996 à · 1000 Denars issue 1996 and issue 2003 à · 500 Denars issue 1996 and issue à · 100 Denars issue 1996 à · 50 Denars issue 1996 à · 10 Denars issue 1996 2. Printing and characteristics The lower banknote denominations of 10, 50 and 100 denars are printed in Macedonia, while the banknotes of 500 and 1000 denars (1996 issue) are printed at ââ¬Å"Thomas de la Rueâ⬠, London. The last banknote issue of 2003, 500 and 1000 denars denominations, was also printed in TDLR. The Macedonian banknotes posses several security features like watermark, windowed-thread, intaglio print, latent image, micro-text, see-through feature, and optically variable ink. 3. Institutions which Act as cash collectors Institutions which act as cash collectors are the National Bank of the Republic of Macedonia and commercial banks. II. Internship description As I am from the Republic of Macedonia, I thought maybe doing an internship there would be a plus for me. I graduated in Macedonia in 2002, so I really wanted to go back there to an internship, which I think it was a good idea in order to put together what Ive learned at university and whats happening in the real life out there. I think it is crucial for a student, or a future graduated student, to learn and make the link between theory and real life practice in order to get ready and not surprised or shocked when first meeting life for real. The reason also why I chose Macedonia to complete my internship, is that one day after graduating in Belgium, to be able to go back there, and work for my country, which would be much easier if the internship was done there, especially at a very important institution, its National Bank. But, it is also important to say that in this kind of countries, it is difficult and complicated to find a company, private or public, that would accept a future graduated student to do his/her internship there. This is also the position of national institutions. In such countries, that are living in transition, and where this process takes so long, and has many difficulties, the problem of informal economy is very present in the everyday life. This is the reason why, it is so hard to find a company that would offer you a normal and proper internship, unless, of course, if you may know the head of the company or institution. I was, unfortunately, not in this case of knowing somebody ââ¬Å"importantâ⬠to either private or public institutions. Regardless this fact, I still applied and send the demand of such internship at the National Bank of Macedonia. It took very long to get a response from them, but it finally came positive. After this, they were some complication, especially during the 2007 summer, for me to begin with the internship. In fact, there were some procedures to respect, which were not told to me and which I didnt know. Above all, the extreme heat of that summer had an impact on the government to reduce much of the working hours, especially in its institutions. That is the reason why I could not manage to start the internship that summer. My internship could finally be done during the three months of holiday granted to last year students at ICHEC. I was accepted by the human resources manager at the Bank, who interviewed me, especially to learn about my background, such as school, political, interests on the National Bank, and so on. After that I could finally begin with the internship. I was told to begin the very next day, after signing a convention of behavior at the Bank. I was supposed to start at 8 am and finish at 4 pm, which is the work time of each functionary working at this institution. After the interview, the Human Resources Manager advised me, in relation with my interests, to do the internship in the Research and Development department of the National Bank. It was a little confusing, because in general, students are allowed to come for their internships a few hours during working days, while I was invited to go there all day long. It was a something I didnt expected at all when I applied for this internship. But the conditions were given by them, so I did not wanted to react about that. But it was not the best manner to execute and learn about my topic. When I begun the internship, I had the task to read the reports that are issued by the National Bank itself. Actually, I didnt understand why I had to do this, but everybody told me they had done so when they started work at the Bank. It was also the way internship students started at this institution. It was a little confusing, but I had to rely on this task. This reading of the reports helped me though to learn further more of the different indexes that are studied, and their importance in order to measure the development of the macroeconomic policy of Macedonia. But I would have been more satisfied if I was told before beginning this internship to do so, in order to not waste my time reading during my internship, which was limited in time. First, I had a topic that seemed very clear and comprehensive to me. But after a few days at the Bank, I understood that something had to be changed in this topic because as I was entering my internship everyday more and more, I could see that my topic was too vast, and it could not really help me for my final paper, which would be related with the internship. After many consultations with my internship advisor, and also with participation of the head of the sector, I decided to somehow change my topic. At the beginning, I was opting for a study about the macroeconomic indexes, such as Inflation Rate, Unemployment Rate, CPI (consumers price index), etc. These indexes are studied and performed by the National Bank of course. But as I said, it was really a vast topic, which could have gone nowhere, and finally not helped me much to the purpose of the internship. So I opted for a change. This change was more directed towards the energy sector of Macedonia, and how energy has an influence on the economy of this country. This idea came, as I said, after consulting people working there, but above all, after attending on a presentation performed by a professor of the Cyril and Methodius University of Skopje for the National Bank. The professor presenting was Dr. VlaÃ
¡ko ÃâÃ
âingoski, and the topic: The Electro-energetic Situation and Perspectives of Republic of Macedonia. The presentation was mainly on the problems concerning the energetic sector of Macedonia, from its independence until today, the current situation of energy and also the most probable and real manners to overcome the negative balance on this sector. This presentation really opened my path, and helped me a lot into finding a new and more specific topic for my final paper. Other presentations regarding energy, and the energetic sector concerning Macedonia were performed after. I attended all of them, as my interest was since balancing toward this topic. I was allowed though to be present at these meetings, so it helped me further more in my focusing. The other presentations were performed also by professors, or people working in the management of electro-energetic companies. But my internship wasnt all about attending presentations, and taking notes of them. As I said, I was accepted at the Research and Development department of the Bank. This department, which was the one where my main advisor worked, is the principal responsible for the construction, consolidation, editing, and writing the annual, trimester, monthly, and even two-weekly reports concerning the development of the economical situation of Macedonia, and comparing them to other countries, mainly from the Balkans. These reports have different parts, in general. The first part, concerns the economic development in a global point of view. Next we have the development of Macedonia, then the monetary development, the capital market, etc. Generally speaking, they are specific teams that work on a specific part of these reports, but the teams can sometimes change. My main advisor was more active on determining and calculating macroeconomic indexes, and then, comparing them with the same indexes of one specific period of last year, or same periods in the past. That was in general his role, and the one of his team. In fact, I was introduced at his computer to see how things are going, working thus with these indexes. All indexes were calculated via Microsoft Excel, and a software, which is frequently used by National Banks in the region and wider, called eViews. I was not able to have this software on my computer, as it is a program only the National Bank of Macedonia may use. This is why I couldnt really get deep into this software, in order to understand how it works, and what data or information it offers. So, the whole things was to take right data, transform and calculate them into indexes, compare them with same indexes of past periods, design different graphics and tables so that it is more comprehensive to the reader, and finally do the interpretation of the results. The data I mentioned before, which are the base of these indexes, are delivered from the Statistical Office of Macedonia. It is this office that has almost all statistical data for the population living and working in Macedonia. It also has information about the housing sector, which is important to calculate some indexes, such as inflation and CPI. Then, I was able to start and calculate myself some basic and simple indexes, but mostly, I was asked to compare them with the past permofmances. This is not a very difficult task to do, as I have had many statistical classes during my study years both in Macedonia and Belgium. But I have to say that, my internship was far from what I was expecting. I am conscious that the period I was able to do the internship, was a full working period. Everybody there was working at high speed to finalize the annual report of 2007, which is the most important, and also most voluminous of all. So, they had not very much time to spend with me and my internship. In general, this internship enabled me to see what the sector works in real terms, and also, it was very important for me that I was able to have access to the Banks library, and also to many publications that I saved, which helped me analyze the data that interested me more after I was done with the internship. III. Technical Part Introduction As I mentioned in the introduction of this internship report, I was first keen on studying the macroeconomic indexes that the National Bank of Macedonia uses in order to develop its reports (annually, monthly, even 2 weekly reports) that are required by many organizations such as World Bank, the ECB, the International Energy Agency, etc. But after some time, I realized I should be focusing more on one specific matter, and that was the energetic sector of Macedonia. I think the problem of energy, globally speaking, is becoming more and more an important issue, that is undoubtedly an unavoidable factor for the economic growth and development of one country. Especially, in countries such as Macedonia, who arent very rich in natural resources, this situation can have a huge impact, having in mind that these countries are highly dependent on the import of energy producing products. The reason why I chose this topic to study is, that it is a problem everybody talks about in these days, as we are conscious of the high prices of oil in the recent months. This is another important factor that pushes the issue of the Macedonian energetic sector just further. This study provides an overview of the investment and policy choices in the Macedonian energy sector. On the investment side, the study highlights the criteria under which potential investments in a new Combined Heat and Power (CHP) plant and a new coal mine should proceed. The Report focuses on reforms that would be required to support the CHP project, namely ratification by Macedonia of the Kyoto Protocol and resolution of ownership issues related to the gas pipeline linking
Sunday, August 4, 2019
Fatherhood and the Unmarried Adolescent African-American Male Essay
Just about a quarter of all children are now born out of wedlock.... Add to that the substantial fraction of children born into marriages that will not survive.... What do these high rates of marital instability imply for patterns of childbearing, and especially for fathersââ¬â¢ involvement with their children? (Furstenberg & Harris, 1992, p. 199) The vast amount of research on the topic of adolescent pregnancies has historically focused on the female (such as Furstenberg, 1976 and Stack, 1974). Social scientists have tried to understand the problem and also help the adolescent mother following her decision to give birth to a child. In some places, such as Oakland, California, 73% of adolescents giving birth are African American (Smith, 1988, p.269; Massey, 1991, p. 117). With this in mind, social workers have spent most of their efforts helping adolescent African-American women. The Department of Children and Family Services (DCFS) and Aid to Families of Dependent Children (AFDC) offer help for many women and their children. Unfortunately, the social workers usually ââ¬Å"viewed Black adolescent fathers either as a cause of the problem of adolescent parenthood or as a partial solution in their assigned role of financial providerâ⬠(Smith, 1988, p. 269). Introductory quote focuses on an important public conversation about children born out of wedlock and fathers' involvement with their children. Furtstenburg is considered an expert on the topic of pregnancy among adolescents and the changing American family. The writer further identifies the context for the research as the social sciences and suggests how this research has influenced social workers. Sources provide general background information, sp... ...ing American family: Sociological and demographic perspectives (pp. 197-223). Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press. Furstenberg, F. (1976). Unplanned parenthood: The social consequences of teenage childbearing. New York: Free Press. Hendricks, L. E. (1988). A preliminary report on three ethnic groups. Adolescence, 91, 711-720 Horton, C. P. & Smith, J. C. (Eds.) (1990). Statistical record of Black America. Detroit: Gale Research, Inc. Massey, G. (1991). The flip side of teen mothers: A look at teen fathers. In B. P. Bowser. (Ed.), Black male adolescents: Parenting and education in community context (pp. 117-128). New York: University Press of America. Smith, L. A. (1988). Black adolescent fathers: Issues for service provision. Social Work, 33. 269-272. Stack, C. B. (1974). All our kin: Strategies for survival in a black community. New York: Harper & Row.
Saturday, August 3, 2019
Symbolism in Hawthornes Young Goodman Brown Essay -- Young Goodman Br
In Nathaniel Hawthorne's "Young Goodman Brown" the use of symbols contributes to the development of the story's plot. Symbolism is used as a means to uncover the truth about the characters. The author, in an attempt to manifest the moral aspects of his society, uses many kinds of symbols to support his points. When analyzing an allegory like "Young Goodman Brown", the reader must realize that the story is in its entirety, a symbol. Hawthorne, through his writing is trying to convey the contradicting aspects of the Puritan ideology. This is made evident after discovering that Goodman's father burned an Indian Village and his grandfather lashed a Quaker woman. By Hawthorne including these acts of violence, he is revealing that the perfection thought to exist in a Puritan society is not so real. Not only past but present characters contribute to this belief. In the confinements of the forest, one sees how all those who are part of Goodman's present also have a dark side to haunt them. Many argue that it was a dream. However, Hawthorne was trying to demonstrate a larger picture. Whether through a dream or reality, it is clear that he wanted to challenge the so call Utopia of the Puritan society. In many parts of the story the reader comes across symbols. Although some may be more lucid than others, one must focus on details in order to find more than the obvious. For example, the title "Young Goodman Brown" in itself holds major significance. It gives the reader a pretty good definition of who the protagonist is. Young Goodman Brown is young and therefore inexperienced, impressionable, and easily influenced. As the story continues, the reader realizes all these to be true. For one thing, Young Goodman Brown and his wife Faith,... ...6. 5: 2737-40. Fogle, Richard, H. Hawthorn's Fiction: The Light and the Dark. Oklahoma. University of Oklahoma Press, 1964. Hawthorne, Nathaniel. "Young Goodman Brown" An Introduction to Reading and Writing. Ed. Alison Reeves. New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1995. Shear, Walter. "Cultural fate and social freedom in three American short stories." Studies in Short Fiction, fall 92, Vol. 29 Issue 4, p543, 7p. Swisher, Clarice., ed. "Color and Images in The Scarlet Letter." Readings on Nathaniel Hawthorne. Greenhaven Press, Inc., 1996. VonFrank, Albert J. "Pretty in Pink: Young Goodman Brown and New-World." Critical Essay on Hawthorn's Short Stories, Boston: G.K. Hall & Co., 1991. Zanger, Jules. "Young Goodman Brown" and "A White Heron":Correspondences And illuminations. Papers on Language & Literature. Summer 90, Vol. 26 Issue 3, p346, 12p. Ã
Friday, August 2, 2019
Impact of Pregnancy Cortisol Levels on High and Low Working Memory Capa
PROJECT DESCRIPTION Impact of Pregnancy Cortisol Levels on High and Low Working Memory Capacity The terms ââ¬Å"baby brainâ⬠and ââ¬Å"maternal amnesiaâ⬠are informally used to describe the perceived memory loss and inattentiveness many women report suffering during pregnancy (Cuttler, Graf, Pawluski & Galea, 2010). Previous studies have suggested that this perceived memory loss may be associated with temporary exhaustion of working memory capacity (WMC) (Casey, 2000). In 1971, Marian Diamond and collegues did extensive research on pregnant and non-pregnant rats and demonstrated for the first time that pregnancy reshapes the brain (Diamond, Johnson & Ingham, 1971). Their findings suggest that pregnancy in rats increases dendritic spine density in areas of the brain that regulate learning and memory as well as areas involved in control of fear and anxiety. During stressful situations, adrenergic activation prompts secretion of epinephrine by the sympathetic nervous system (Elzinga & Roelofs, 2005). The hormone cortisol is made by the adrenal glands and is also essential in response to stressful situations. When adrenergic activity and cortisol levels are concordantly increased, working memory impairments proceed. Throughout the third trimester of pregnancy, cortisol reaches levels consistent with those seen in Cushingââ¬â¢s syndrome (Glynn, 2010). Cushingââ¬â¢s syndrome is defined by excess cortisol levels dispersed by the adrenal glands as a result of a tumor or medication (Margulies, Voto, Fescina, Lastra, Lapidus & Schwarez 1987). Individuals suffering from Cushingââ¬â¢s syndrome experience a wide range of symptoms, one of which is a decrease in working memory. Working memory (WM) is a theoretical structure referring to an ind... ...10). Literature associating endocrine exposures during gestation and changes in memory function, support that women with lower levels of cortisol display poorer verbal recall memory performance (Glynn, 2010). However, performance on working memory tasks did not differ between pregnant and non-pregnant participants. The contradictory evidence pertaining to the impact of cortisol on memory suggests that further study is needed to understand its effects. Working Memory Attentional Control Measures of performance on tests of WM suggest that WMC increases continually between early childhood and adolescence (West, 1996). Empirical studies have also supported that WM is among one of the cognitive functions most sensitive to decline in old age. West (1996) theorized that the declines in WM as we age is due largely to the deterioration of the pre-frontal cortex. Impact of Pregnancy Cortisol Levels on High and Low Working Memory Capa PROJECT DESCRIPTION Impact of Pregnancy Cortisol Levels on High and Low Working Memory Capacity The terms ââ¬Å"baby brainâ⬠and ââ¬Å"maternal amnesiaâ⬠are informally used to describe the perceived memory loss and inattentiveness many women report suffering during pregnancy (Cuttler, Graf, Pawluski & Galea, 2010). Previous studies have suggested that this perceived memory loss may be associated with temporary exhaustion of working memory capacity (WMC) (Casey, 2000). In 1971, Marian Diamond and collegues did extensive research on pregnant and non-pregnant rats and demonstrated for the first time that pregnancy reshapes the brain (Diamond, Johnson & Ingham, 1971). Their findings suggest that pregnancy in rats increases dendritic spine density in areas of the brain that regulate learning and memory as well as areas involved in control of fear and anxiety. During stressful situations, adrenergic activation prompts secretion of epinephrine by the sympathetic nervous system (Elzinga & Roelofs, 2005). The hormone cortisol is made by the adrenal glands and is also essential in response to stressful situations. When adrenergic activity and cortisol levels are concordantly increased, working memory impairments proceed. Throughout the third trimester of pregnancy, cortisol reaches levels consistent with those seen in Cushingââ¬â¢s syndrome (Glynn, 2010). Cushingââ¬â¢s syndrome is defined by excess cortisol levels dispersed by the adrenal glands as a result of a tumor or medication (Margulies, Voto, Fescina, Lastra, Lapidus & Schwarez 1987). Individuals suffering from Cushingââ¬â¢s syndrome experience a wide range of symptoms, one of which is a decrease in working memory. Working memory (WM) is a theoretical structure referring to an ind... ...10). Literature associating endocrine exposures during gestation and changes in memory function, support that women with lower levels of cortisol display poorer verbal recall memory performance (Glynn, 2010). However, performance on working memory tasks did not differ between pregnant and non-pregnant participants. The contradictory evidence pertaining to the impact of cortisol on memory suggests that further study is needed to understand its effects. Working Memory Attentional Control Measures of performance on tests of WM suggest that WMC increases continually between early childhood and adolescence (West, 1996). Empirical studies have also supported that WM is among one of the cognitive functions most sensitive to decline in old age. West (1996) theorized that the declines in WM as we age is due largely to the deterioration of the pre-frontal cortex.
Creative Brief GAP Inc.
The launch of the Americana khakis for the young professional, in other to reconnect with the Identity of what GAP Inc. Comfortable, stylish, quality, strong American brand. Ill. Description of product or service. Gap Inc. And Its preppy khakis feel more comfortable, lightweight, wrinkle worry free, excellent fit, resistible, washes and finishes, with best quality fabric for an average rice point of $54. 5. They are durable and last longer, also with new shapes for every young men and women with family that has no time and would like a quality product. IV. Why are we trying to accomplish with this communications piece? To reconnect the customer with the brand identity and regain the that young old growing customer, offering khakis at affordable price, but also offering more stylish and exciting, relatively conservative, and functional khakis to use anytime. Let always to look in-style, casual at work, at home, and at play.V. What Is the tonality of the ad? The tonality of the ad camp aign with Khakis will be creative. Fun, excellent. Connecting with past. The aim is to bring back and keep our loyal customers with Khakis classical style. By remaking the old ads from the ass's, with famous music songs of today dancing, playing, and working with the Khakis. VI. Who/What is our competition? American Eagle Outfitters, J. Crew, Firebombed & Fitch, Express, Reportable, Banana Republic, Old Navy, H and J. C Penny VI'. Who Is the target consumer?It is aim to young professional men and women ages 25 ââ¬â 40 who have disposable 1 OFF commitment to brand loyalty and want to look good while keeping their purchases within their budget. They wear khakis to feel: comfortable and in style too. People wearing these khakis pants should feel natural, relaxed, and authentic. VIII. What is our single most persuasive idea? Khakis are classic, bringing back durable but also chic and fashionable every drawer and GAP Inc. , Go Khakis this season. The quality and services also importa nt role in the brand. ââ¬ËX.Why should our target believe the promise? For years GAP Inc. Offers good quality, simple, classic yet comfortable American style with this we reinforce and reconnect with the consumer and American tradition of the Khakis. X. What is personality for this product or service? Preppy and young professionals X'. What is the medium? TV ads are important as well as Media use of Internet: Youth, and Social Media advertisement using the new Khakis style. Magazines that target more family, fashion and general interest magazines US Weekly, Marie Claire, GO, Parent. XII.Approvals (Who is responsible for ââ¬Å"signing off,â⬠for example: Brand Manager, Marketing Director, then UP Marketing, after shoot the CUP XIII. First, Second, Third, Fourth Round Creative Due Dates ââ¬â September 1st ââ¬â until April 1st May. Introduce in XIV. Budget (example: budget is $50,000, quantity 2500, distribution via hand and mail) Budget of $1 Distributed quantity â⠬â TV media $ 600. 00/1/ ad campaign new version with artist collaboration Taylor Swift and other American famous artist that connect with GAP style. Social Media ad, Youth $300. 00 Print in Magazines $100,000
Thursday, August 1, 2019
Cultural Supression: Abusive Behavior Towards Women and Its Effect on the Spread of Hiv/Aids
Africa is facing a devastating crisis with respect to the AIDS epidemic, currently accounting for over 70% of the world's HIV-positive population. There are, of course, many factors that drive the explosive transmission of the Human Immunodeficiency Virus, but in the tangled web that is the epidemic in Africa, many of these issues share a common thread. The oppression of women in Africa can be considered the virus' cultural vector. Females are rendered powerless in African societies, and existing gender inequalities are largely responsible for the spread of the disease.Females' disadvantaged position in society is intrinsically linked to the subordination of women in their relationships with men. In order for progress to be made, an examination of gender relations and empowerment for women must take place. To be successful, AIDS campaigns must be built on the existing organizational skills of women, but must incorporate men as well. The blatantly skewed distribution of power in Afric an patriarchal societies makes women extremely vulnerable but has dangerous implications for all.To examine the forces that steer the epidemic down its course, the epidemiology of HIV and AIDS in Africa must first be considered. More than 80% of all HIV infections in Africa are acquired through heterosexual contact. This statistic is grossly out of balance with the 13% rate of infection through heterosexual contact in the United States. Vertical transmission from mother to child is the second most common route for the virus to take in Africa (Essex et al. , 158). These rates are generally much higher than in the United States and Europe, where the use of a drug called nevirapine has drastically reduced mother-to-child transmission.This disparity is a direct result of differences in the nations' wealth. African nations simply cannot afford to provide the drug to infected pregnant women. The continued transmission of HIV through contaminated blood during processes such as blood transf usions is another dismal consequence of poverty and inferior health services in many African countries. This method accounts for the third most important mode of transmission, one that has been virtually eradicated in many countries because the technology is available to prevent it (Essex et al. 159). Part of what makes the situation in Africa so devastating is that the primary roads the virus travels in Africa were shut down long ago in other countries. Much of the world's population already takes many of the roadblocks for granted. The transmission route of heterosexual contact is so heavily traveled in Africa that it demands an examination of sexual behavior. Before we delve into the workings of intimate relationships, however, the fine points of gender inequality in the public sphere must be examined.These social conditions spill over into every aspect of life, tainting women's casual and sexual relationships with men. Women are systematically disadvantaged in African society. M ale bias in the structures of society is reflected in day-to-day behavior, embedded in legislation, policy, political and religious ideologies, and cultural conventions (Baylies et al. , 6). Examples of this trend abound. The Civil Code of the Empire of Ethiopia designates the husband as the head of the family and gives him the authority to administer household property.The husband is given the right to control and manage common property and to make all decisions regarding it. While the Code requires that the husband act judiciously and not alienate property without the consent of his wife, strong traditional and cultural beliefs discourage women from enforcing this requirement (African Region Findings). In Kenya, the Constitution permits the application of customary law to personal matters. The Constitution contains no provisions for gender as a basis for non-discrimination and consequently, even gender-biased practices are held as valid and constitutional.Women's access to economi c resources in Kenya is largely defined by customary laws (African Region Findings). Inheritance is usually along the male lineage; women do not inherit family property. Not only do women have less access to income and possess much less wealth than their male counterparts, but they also contribute more hours of labor than men do (Baylies, et. al. , 7). In a village meeting held in rural Lushoto, Tanzania, in 1996, coordinated in response to AIDS, even two of the men present agreed that women take the heavier burden. A man, if you need him, is always out,â⬠an elderly man spoke out, ââ¬Å"whereas the woman is the one at home, taking care of cooking and all other household affairs. . . . We get up in the mornings and go about our business and don't concern ourselves with whether [the children] eat or not,â⬠he continued. ââ¬Å"We leave it all to mama. We give orders, we are ââ¬Ëdictators' in the homeâ⬠(Baylies et al. , 191). Most of the men, however, did not share his capacity to see the situation in this way. One male maintains, ââ¬Å"as a man you have so many things to attend to, and you rely on her to think of things like soap for washingâ⬠(Baylies et al. 190). Women's limited opportunities also translate into reduced access to education.Their lower levels of literacy contribute to their more limited access to information about sexually transmitted diseases and HIV (Baylies et al. , 6). Cultural conventions prevent them from asserting themselves in public, squelching any hope of improving their situation in this way. Since their work is confined to the domestic field, women's labor does not command market value, leaving them dependent on those members of the household who operate in the cash economy (Baylies et al. 7). Economic need often drives women to enter into prostitution. The selling of sex, many argue, is often the only choice African women have ââ¬Å"between starvation and survivalâ⬠(Essex et al. , 538). It is the l ink between women's position in wider society and position in sexual relations that is crucial to understanding their vulnerability to the virus. UNAIDS reported in 1999 that in sub-Saharan Africa 12 or 13 women are infected with the HIV virus for every 10 men (Russell 101). Women have characteristically been viewed as responsible for transmitting the virus.Prostitutes are blamed for spreading HIV to clients, and mothers are blamed for passing it to their children (Essex et al. , 3). Females are thought to have a polluting influence and are treated as ââ¬Å"vaginas or uteruses,â⬠ââ¬Å"whores or mothers,â⬠and ââ¬Å"vectors or vesselsâ⬠as opposed to people (Essex et al. , 3). Instead of regarding women as blameworthy for the severity of the AIDS epidemic in Africa, they should be more accurately perceived as occupying a cultural niche in which they are highly vulnerable to contracting the virus.Since women are forced to relinquish the driver's seat to males in the public sphere, they certainly have no say in the nature and timing of their sexual activity in the private sphere, leaving the roads HIV travels open to traffic. Intimate relations revolve around the same ââ¬Å"notions of personhoodâ⬠that operate in the larger society (Baylies, et. al. , 7). The outcomes of these gender ideologies take form as sexual practices. The foundation of these sexual understandings seems to be that women are expected to give but not receive pleasure.Sexual norms prescribe relative passivity for females, while according sexual decision making to men (Baylies et al. , 7). Tolerance is expected for the greater sexual mobility of men. Female fidelity is usually viewed as necessary while male infidelity is consistent with the extension of the familial line (Essex et al. , 534). The double standard expectation is that women will enter into a marriage as virgins but men will not. In patriarchal, sub-Saharan African cultures, marriage can be defined as a leg ally and socially sanctioned relationship between a man and a woman within which procreation takes place (Essex et al. 534). Women are not viewed as people capable of sexual pleasure but as the means by which to achieve an end. That end is the perpetuation of the family line. This prime value on marriage and motherhood presses young girls into risky, multiple-partner relationships long before they are psychologically or physically mature. Young women cannot refuse the sexual demands of older men nor bear the social stigma of being without a husband or children (Essex et al. , 536). Women are powerless within their relationships and have too little power outside of them to abandon partners that put them at risk.How, then, do these social and sexual patterns account for the severity of the AIDS epidemic in Africa? Many claim that male privilege is what drives the AIDS epidemic, even going so far as to call AIDS a form of mass femicide (Russell 100). Diane Russell bluntly states, â⬠Å"Those women who contract HIV/AIDS from their male partners because of their sexist attitudes and behavior, and/or because of their superior power and dominant status, are? when they die? victims of femicideâ⬠(102). There are many examples of manifestations of male domination that can be fatal for female partners.Male refusal to use condoms is perhaps the most critical of these behaviors. Utilization of condoms is the one factor that would undoubtedly reduce transmission rates drastically. Women are not even allowed to ask, ââ¬Å"Can we have sex? ,â⬠so it is even more difficult to bring up condom use (Russell 103). However, if a woman does find the courage to ask her male partner to use a condom, not only will he almost certainly refuse, he is likely to beat her. ââ¬Å"Talk to him about donning a rubber sheath and be prepared for accusations, abuse or abandonment,â⬠relates Johanna McGeary in TIME magazine.Her article also related the story of a nurse in Durban, who, coming home from an AIDS training class, suggested that her husband put on a condom. He proceeded to grab a pot and bang on it loudly, attracting all the neighbors. He pointed a knife at her and demanded: ââ¬Å"Where was she between 4 p. m. and now? Why is she suddenly suggesting that? What has changed after 20 years that she wants a condom? â⬠One man, who had already infected his wife with HIV and was developing open herpes sores on his penis, objected to his wife's suggestion of using condoms, accusing her of having a boyfriend (Russell 103).Even educated men, aware of the AIDS risk, balk at the suggestion. McGeary heard the same answer come up again and again: ââ¬Å"That question is nonnegotiable. â⬠Several myths account for the lack of condom use, even when they are distributed for no cost: your erection can't grow, free condoms must be too cheap to be safe, condoms fill up with germs, condoms from overseas bring the disease with them, condoms donated by forei gn governments have holes in them so that Africans will die (McGeary).Some men simply decide they do not like the way condoms feel, and that is enough to decide the issue. When interviewed, one couple in Kanyama, Zambia, reported using condoms for contraception, but the husband started to complain that they were ââ¬Å"burningâ⬠him and was not going to continue using them (Baylies et al. , 98). The established trend is that women must risk infection to please men. Women compromise their sexual safety to men's pleasure by even more drastic physical means. Throughout Southern Africa, many women practice ââ¬Å"dry sexâ⬠to please their husbands.This involved drying out the vagina with soil mixed with baboon urine; some use detergents, salts, cotton, or shredded newspaper (Russell 102). Not only is dry sex reportedly very painful for women, it causes vaginal lacerations and suppresses the vagina's natural bacteria, both of which increase the likelihood of contracting the HIV virus when engaging in sex with an infected partner (Russell 103). Since women are already twice as likely to contract HIV from a single encounter than are men, this is extremely dangerous (McGeary).The decision to engage in dry sex can be made for economical reasons as well. The prostitute who dries out her vagina can charge more, 50 or 60 rands ($6. 46 to $7. 75), enough to pay a child's school fees or to eat for a week (McGeary). This is in contrast to the 20 rands ($2. 84) she might receive otherwise. Since male economic privilege plays a major role in forcing women into prostitution, any AIDS deaths resulting from it can be considered femicide. Economic disadvantage for females drives them to participate in other ââ¬Å"dirtyâ⬠deals.Teenage girls especially are easy prey for older, wealthier ââ¬Å"sugar daddies,â⬠men who provide money and goods in exchange for sex (Essex et al. , 536). Sex has been referred to as the ââ¬Å"currency by which women and girls are ex pected to pay for life's opportunities, from a passing grade in school to a trading licenseâ⬠(Baylies et al. , 7). Girls as young as ten and eleven in Tanzania have been reported as having sexual relations with men for chips, Coke, money for videos or transport to school (Baylies et al. , 11).Sexual networking has dangerous implications for the spread of HIV, leaving many young women with much more than they bargained for. Yet another expression of male dominance on which the virus thrives is the practice of female genital mutilation. This practice, which has roots in the patriarchal society, is defined by the World Health Organization as the removal of part or all of the external female genitalia and/or injury to the female genital organs for cultural or other nontherapeutic reasons (Russell 104).It is designed to cater to men's sexual preferences and reinforce their control over women. The tendency of mutilated genitals to bleed, especially during intercourse, puts women at high risk for contracting the virus, as does the repeated use of the crude instruments used to perform these operations. The tools are often used on a number of girls on the same occasion (Russell 105). This practice is imposed on millions of girls in Africa. It is an attack not only on their bodies but also on their womanhood, on their personhood, and on their ability to protect themselves from a deadly disease.Tolerance of male promiscuity is a further social construction that strips away females' autonomy with fatal consequences. Men are accepted as sexually voracious by nature. ââ¬Å"They are like that, and you can't do anything,â⬠says one girl in Lushoto (Baylies et al. , 128). Many families' economic situations require that husbands are gone for months at a time in order to work, and they are certainly not expected to abstain from sexual activity during this time. Another Lushoto girl, married to a trader often away in Dar es Salaam, reports that she is afraid of her hu sband, worrying ââ¬Å"he may infect meâ⬠(Baylies et al. 128). Her concern is absolutely justified. When a wife suspects that her husband has many partners outside the marriage, she is not entitled to refuse to engage in sex. ââ¬Å"You are a wife, what can you do? â⬠is the sad reality for most (Baylies et al. , 128). Marriage is an institution of vulnerability for women in Africa with respect to HIV. In general, it is men who bring HIV into a marriage (Baylies et al. , 11). Women can be infected, not through promiscuous activity on their own part, but as a consequence of being faithful to their husbands.The prevalence of AIDS in Africa also transforms sexual assaulters into murderers. The problem of rape is especially highlighted in South Africa, where a woman is estimated to be five times more likely to be raped than a woman in the United States (Russell 106). It is an extremely rare event that a rape is reported at all; 75% are believed to remain unreported (Russell 1 07). The existence of rape gangs is also a serious problem in South Africa. The term for recreational gang rape is jackrolling, and it is considered a game, not a crime.An analysis of gender relations in Africa provides insight into how and why HIV spreads so efficiently. The question now becomes what should be done with this knowledge to generate prevention strategies. It is obvious that women must become more empowered for the epidemic to be slowed with any significance. Russell claims that the first order of business requires educating people about the role played by male domination in the spread of HIV and AIDS, and that policies must then be developed to eliminate manifestations of patriarchy (109).It is clear that education should focus more on gender issues than the need to avoid risky sexual behavior. However, as has been demonstrated over and over, increased knowledge does not always translate into changed behavior. Baylies and Bujra investigate the potential of women's gro ups in campaigns of protection against HIV in Africa. They also point out that if economic dependence on men is a factor underlying women's vulnerability, greater economic security should serve to empower women. For this to occur, women would require higher levels of education.How men should be involved is another debatable issue. Male behaviors not only put their partners in danger, but themselves as well. Therefore, not only do men bear responsibility in this area, but it would be in their interest to assist in the process. One thing is clear: if the AIDS epidemic is to become any less of a problem in Africa, women will have to be empowered. Though AIDS is certainly a virtually impossible fire to extinguish in any context, the patriarchal society and exploitation of women not only fuels the flames but turns a fire into an inferno.For millions of African women, this hell is the reality. Their inferior position in larger society renders them powerless in sexual relations. The manife station of these social constructions emerges in sexual practices and behavior that not only allow HIV to transmit at alarming rates, but also are blatant violations of basic human rights. When African women are no longer denied these fundamental rights, a decrease in the severity of the epidemic will undoubtedly follow.Works Cited African Region Findings. The World Bank Group, No. 126, January 1999. ttp://www. worldbank. org/afr/findings/english/find126. htm April 29, 2002. Baylies, Carolyn and Janet Burja. AIDS, Sexuality and Gender in Africa. NY: Routledge Taylor and Francis Group, 2000. Essex, Max, Souleymane Mboup, Phyllis J. Kanki, and Mbowa R. Kalengayi, eds. AIDS in Africa. NY: Raven Press, 1994. McGeary, Johanna. Death Stalks A Continent. Time Magazine, 2001. http://www. time. com/time/2001/aidsinafrica/cover. html April 29, 2002. Russell, Diane E. H. and Roberta A. Harmes, eds. Femicide in Global Perspective. NY: Teachers College Press, 2001.
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